When someone asks me
where I'm from, I answer with “Florida.” Although I was born in California and currently live in Georgia, I spent 17 out of my 23 years in the
suburban swamp of east Orlando.
I learned to ride a bike there, opened my Christmas presents there, went
through puberty there, got my first car there, graduated from high school and
college there...and on and on. It was where I was raised, where I had most of
the experiences that made what I am today. Thus it seems logical to call
Orlando, Florida the place that I am from—to me it's the most accurate answer.
On the other hand, when
you ask a Palestinian where they’re from, you're likely to get the name of a
village that neither they nor their own parents have ever set foot in. Not to
say that there is no family lineage there—this village was almost assuredly a
place that their grandparents fled or were kicked out of in the wake of Israeli
advances during the wars of both 1948 and 1967. Take Haifa, for example. This port city is now the
third-largest in Israel
and was the site of considerable violence during the creation of the state in
1948. Due to this tumult, many Arab residents fled the town. By October of that
year, Haifa had shed more than 90% of its Arab population, or around 56,000
people.
Now let's guess that
over the course of the past sixty years, half of those people produced three
children each. Each of those three children produced two children each. The
result is hundreds of thousands of people descended from these original
refugees from Haifa.
No wonder every Palestinian I meet seems to be from there!
But wait, why is it that
they say that they’re from Haifa, even if they've never been there and are not
allowed to go there?
To address this heavy,
complicated question, I should start with a quote from Elias Chacour, a
Christian Palestinian who was pushed out of his home in the Galilee by Jewish
forces prior to 1948:
Mobile Western people have difficulty comprehending the significance of
the land for Palestinians. We belong to the land. We identify with the land,
which has been treasured, cultivated, and nurtured by countless generations of
ancestors. Some of our trees were planted more than a thousand years ago...
Other trees in our village were closer to two thousand years old. People in our
generation plant trees for their children's children.
If Chacour really is
speaking for the majority of Palestinians in this regard (which I believe he
is), then it is no surprise why Palestinians cannot forget about these places,
the homes of their grandparents lined with olive trees rather than concrete
walls. More than
three-quarters of a million people fled from places like these in the period
preceding and during the 1948 war. These were villages located in what is now
considered Israel proper, villages that once existed or perhaps still exist but
with a different name and demographic makeup. Although the outline of a future
Palestinian state is drawn around the West Bank and Gaza, virtually all
Palestinians have a much broader geographical concept of what
"Palestine" is.
Consequently, if you
talk politics with a Palestinian or a hard-left international, you may not hear
the name "Israel" once. When asked about this, they say that using
this name legitimizes an illegitimate state based on ethnic cleansing; that
it's ignores the huge amount of Palestinian history and heritage that lies in
what has been claimed by Israel. So they choose to call it "'48"
instead. Let me give you a couple examples.
Example
1 (Palestinian): "We have to get special permit to go into '48, which the
Israelians* usually deny us."
Example 2 (hard-left international living in Palestine): "I have to go to '48
tomorrow to try and renew my visa."
If you were confused
about why Israel is always asking for "recognition" as a Jewish
state, or perhaps even more confused as to why Palestinians could not simply
"recognize" Israel, perhaps this has made things a little clearer for
you.
Over sixty years later,
many of these refugees—and their children, and their children's children—still
live in camps, in one of the longest temporary arrangements in the world. As I
said before, these refugee camps are the economic equivalent to the
"ghetto" in American cities. In these dilapidated U.N. buildings live
people that are still, after sixty years, waiting to return to their homes.
Many Palestinians still have the key to these old homes in Israel proper—hence
the huge symbolic significance of the key seen on statues, posters, and artwork
around these parts.
Is it respectable,
understandable, admirable that these Palestinians still have not given up this
hope of returning? Or, after sixty years, is it quixotic and self-destructive
to maintain such unrealistic hopes? I think there is truth in both assertions,
although I think the case for the second statement becomes stronger with each
passing day. Especially considering that very, very few people would be able to
return to their land and encounter it just as they left it. Their houses have
likely been bulldozed, a new Israeli village could have been erected there, or
possibly, an Israeli Jew and his family is living in the very home that their
great-grandparents built. Like seeing a former lover in the arms of another
man, it must be infuriating and saddening for a Palestinian to learn that his
olive trees are being pruned by another man—and improperly!
Secondly, consider that
the state of Israel is now old enough that generations of people have been born
there, people who should bear no blame whatsoever for the plight of the
Palestinians just as I should bear no blame for the ethnic cleansing of Native
Americans. We have no control of where we are born and what we are born into.
So if a Palestinian family was allowed to return to a patch of land and a home
that their grandparents owned in the '40s, it may imply evicting a Jewish
family, a family with children that would be confused as to why they now have
to leave everything they know. Another mass of refugees would be created and
the cycle of suffering would continue.
This remains one of the
greatest tragedies of our time. Surely the Palestinians can claim a right of
return, but can this right be exercised humanely, in a manner that treats
everybody fairly? I'm not sure. In fact, it could leave both parties
dissatisfied, especially the diaspora Palestinians who realize that
"return" does not mean an actual return to their home but a
permission slip to move into the West Bank or the Gaza Strip.
But many of those in the
camps still cling to this hope of returning to their land, despite the growing
mountain of evidence that suggests the infinitesimally small odds of such
fantasies actually coming true. The physical evidence of this is striking: the
buildings in the refugee camps are not maintained, nor decorated save for
political graffiti (see below for an example). The young man who led us through
the Jenin refugee camp told us that the surroundings were kept purposefully
shabby to serve as an omnipresent reminder that these are not their homes and thus any efforts to build a permanent community
here would be forfeiting their real homes to the Israelis forever, which they
could never do.
Is it worth living one's
whole life waiting, in squalor, for something that may never occur? Is it worth
subjecting your children to this condition for a political principle? I would
say no. But remember how different our cultures are, especially when it comes
to the perception of time. To me, the egocentric Westerner, the only time that
matters is the span of my own lifetime on this earth—thus, sixty years is a
long time to wait, a terrible waste of my lifetime. But when I present this
thought to a Palestinian, the response usually goes something like this:
"The Palestinians have been around for thousands of years. Sixty years is
nothing."
***
This is one of
the darker pieces in the Dheisheh refugee camp, which is chock full of
depressing, macabre graffiti. Thanks to Paul Chambers for this photo; when I
toured the camp—in Bethlehem, the grafitti capital of the West Bank—I was
without my camera and this was one of the shots I wish I had taken.